Tuesday, 15 June 2010

Members of the parliament (UK) Meets with Somaliland Parliament

Members of the parliament (UK) Meets with Somaliland Parliament
Jan 26 2004

Jan 26 2004 Hargeysa, (Somaliland Net) - Tory worththinton ( a member of conservative party), We are here because we wish to show solidarity Somaliland to fight against poverty. Of course we have not forgotten the relationship between us (UK) and Somaliland.

We never did forgotten the fight against the fascists that we fought along each other, many Somali Scots fought for free world during the world war two, we recall that way Somaliland received Independence from British, which means your boundaries are known internationally, for example here is a stamp of the king that shows the map of S/Land.

Over the last two days we have reminded your history and early independence in 1991. We saw the ruins that the war left. We saw the tragedies that you went through the war against you, the planes that were bombing civilians, the mass graves and the abuse of the human rights. Over the last two days we saw the difficult time that you had. We also so the achievement people of Somaliland have made it, almost without any assistance from the international community. You will be confident that we will report this to our government. We are committee that committed developing outside world. We will implement an extended support to this nation.

Your elections were very successful, what is left is the parliamentary election. A parliament based on political parties. I have no doubt that the international community will recognize your fine election.

Posted by M Ghalib, Somaliland Net.
Email: news@somalilandnet.com
Reporter: Muna Mahmoud, Hargeysa, Somaliland


USAID Official Says Somaliland Is A Good Place For Investment

USAID Official Says Somaliland Is A Good Place For Investment
February 24, 2004

Hargeisa, 14 Feb 2004 (SL Times)--An official of the United States Agency for International Development (USAID) has described Somaliland as a good place for his organization to work and make investment in development.

Mr. Andrew B. Sisson, USAID’s Regional Director for East and Southern Africa, who was interviewed by the Somaliland Times shortly before his departure from Hargeisa last Monday, revealed that the US government was providing 25 million dollars a year in humanitarian aid for Somaliland and Somalia through USAID, in addition to 3 million dollars a year through the State Department.

Mr. Sisson arrived in Hargeisa last Sunday as the head of a USAID delegation that also included Mr. Flynn Fuller, office director for Burundi, Djibouti and Somalia programs and Ms Moria Berry, USAID Somalia unit.

The USAID delegation met with senior Somaliland government officials, as well as leaders of civil society and the private sector. The delegates also reviewed several programs run in Somaliland with the help of USAID assistance.

Mr. Sisson, who lauded Somaliland for achieving a lot since the end of the war in rebuilding the country’s infrastructure, houses and in building democracy. He said they “hope to do more in the future [in Somaliland]”, adding, “from what we have seen and heard from friends, we will encourage our policymakers in Washington to take even more interest in development assistance in Somaliland”.

Mr. Sisson explained that the major reason behind the remarkable increase in the US government’s economic assistance for Djibouti, was related to the role being played by Djibouti as a military base for US forces engaged in combating terrorism in the Horn of Africa. “The Djibouti government and people have become a major ally for the United States in the war on terror,” Mr Sisson asserted.

While stressing the priority that his government attaches to the war on terror, Mr. Sisson added, “we appreciate any assistance that we can get from your government and people.”

Mr. Flynn Fuller, who lived in Somalia during the 1980s said he was impressed to hear from minister of Commerce, Mohamed Hashi Elmi, that a little bit of technical assistance can go a long way and that Somaliland was not looking for a large amount of handouts but for a little bit of a assistance in its efforts for continued development and rebuilding. “I was also impressed to know from the minister that Somalilanders were now learning how to share resources of the country by coming together,” Mr. Fuller said.


SOMALILAND - THE COUNTRY THAT ISN'T! - The South African Institute of International Affairs

The South African Institute of International Affairs
South Africa’s Window on the World


Cordially invites you to a Speaker's Meeting to be addressed by




Mike Johnstone, runs a Johannesburg-based specialist travel company, Ubuntu Safaris, travels extensively in Africa, is a regular visitor to Somaliland, and for all intents and purposes has become an expert on the subject. He will touch on the country's long history and Islamic tradition and outline the developments that led to it breaking away from war-ravaged Somalia in the south 14 years ago. Somaliland currently has its own president, parliament, currency, flag, passport and universities, but officially does not exist. It's remembered as the African country with the briefest independence - five days between its independence from Britain in 1960 to its 'union' with Somalia in what came to be known as Somalia. The 'union', however, proved a disaster and collapsed in 1990. Somalia, meanwhile, was hit by severe drought and widespread starvation, compounded by chaotic political conditions and warring armed factions. An estimated 50 000 people were killed in the years 1988 to 1990, followed by a further 300 000 during 1991 and 1992. Hundreds of thousands also fled to Ethiopia. In contrast today, Somaliland boasts law and order and a potential to survive; Somalia, still retaining the name of 'Somalia', limps along as a stateless and increasingly dismembered society. Several Somaliland students, incidentally, attend South African universities.

Tuesday 24th February, 2004

17h30 for 17h45 to conclude at 19h00

Jan Smuts House, East Campus, Wits University

Mrs Katy de Villiers

Tel: (011) 339 2021

Fax: (011) 339 2154

Email: devilliersk@saiia.wits.ac.za

Should you have friends or colleagues who may be interested in joining the Branch, consider inviting them to the aforementioned meeting.





The formation of the Somali National Movement ( SNM ) was sparked by that general mass discontent with Siad Barre's Regime. The initiative was made by members of the Isaac Communities outside the country particularly in the United Kingdom and the Middle East, who were free from the intimidation and repression of the regime. In late 1978 and early 1979 mobilizations intended to upgrade the consciousness of the Somali people started within the country. Committees comprising of elders or community leaders, officers, intellectuals, business people, students, youth and civil servants started underground campaigns in an effort to educate the people against the evils of the Siad Barre's regime.

At this stage in the SNM history Siyad has openly engaged in divisive and sectarian clan politics to discredit and lobby for caesura of that internal mobilization. He has created bandits who were armed by the government and were in the military payroll to destroy total communities to instill harassment and intimidation in those communities. During 1979 to 1980 hundreds of people, mostly women and children were massacred around Gabiley, Wajale, and Allay Baday areas.

The opposition from within and from without the country had contacts and a smooth follow of communication for quite a considerable time. On April 6, 1981 the Somali National Movement ( SNM ) was officially proclaimed as an opposition organization in London, UK. In November 1981 the residents of hargeyisa initiated self-help programs intended to upgrade the educational and health facilities of their community. 38 young professionals, intellectuals, and businessmen who were the leading organizers of the community project were imprisoned, some of them tortured. In February 1982 they received sentences ranging from two years to life. As a result, the first anti-government riots broke out in Hargiesa and Burao, and Sheikh Secondary Students in Sheikh. This marked the first head-on confrontation between the public and the regime. Barre who had never experienced open public unrest was caught by surprise. Consequently, he started a Hitler-like repression comprising of detentions, tortures, and execution.

Almost a year after the formation of SNM in London the internal wing of the SNM took a historic and daring move. A decision was made to establish the movement in Ethiopia. In February 1982 prominent high-ranking military officers and other government officials started deserting the regime. A week after the execution of Colonel Abdillahi Haji Saeed in Howad Near Burao by the regime's man (Gani " one day he will pay the price on the hard way), the first such officers crossed the border. Among them were Colonel Adan Sheikh Mohamed ( shiine ) "PBOH", Colonel Ahmed Dahir ( Dhagax ) " PBOH", and Colonel Mohamed Kahin Ahmed.

With the acceptance of the Ethiopia government the SNM Executive Committee, therefore moved from London to the Somali populated areas in Ethiopia in order to keep the movement close to home. They started setting up offices and training camps. within very short period of time groups of military officers, soldiers, intellectuals, businessmen, and students crossed the border and joined the movement. Area nomads and villagers also joined and signed up for their training programs. Surprisingly the SNM started attacks against the regime almost immediately. In those attacks the SNM has inflicted great damages on Faqashi's troops. They also confiscated combat as well as transport vehicles, arms ammunition and communication equipments.

Following those successful attacks the SNM established more then 10 bases in the North, Central and southern border areas within a year. The SNM, therefore, got engaged in highly sophisticated operations of national and international significance. In January 1983 the SNM forces fulfilled a major operation at Mandhera Maximum Security Prison. In the operation the SNM liberated hundreds of political prisoners. They also killed more than 130 soldiers from the Mandhera and Adadley garrisons. In a retaliatory move the regime executed 55 civilians in Adadley, Mandhera, and Go'a area. More then one thousand were detained by the regime's military and NSS.

On April 12, 1983, in a spectacular rescue mission, the SNM forces freed Colonel Abdillahi Askar from the highly fortified prison of the 26th sector of the Somali army. He was caught in Hargeisa by the security forces while fulfilling a secret mission with the SNM internal wing. Colonel Abdillahi Askar who was savagely tortured with candles and cigarettes was to be executed the day following the evening he was rescued. When Siad Barre realized the threat that the SNM poses to his dictatorial regime and the popular support it enjoys both in and outside the country, he " Afweyne" started to fight with the SNM and its supporters ferociously. Those who lived under his jurisdiction were those who were hit hard. They have suffered:

Indiscriminate detentions, imprisonment, and massacres. Looting and constant confiscations of private properties. Total blockade of food and fuel supplies. Denial of access to water supplies during the dry seasons. Destruction or poisoning of water reservoirs and watering wells Burning down of entire villages and communities Children killed and women raped.

Other communities who live in the areas where the SNM activities are prevalent have experienced a similar but a different kind of warfare. Afweyne Barre disguised some of his regular troops as marauding bandits licensed to plunder and exterminate both human lives and their livestock. The concerned communities with the assistance of the SNM responded to Afweyne's barbarous raids by not only defending themselves but by also making counter attacks against the combined Afweyne forces. In these counter attacks Afweyne's Troops suffered a severe damage. The following is an estimated damage that was inflicted on the Afweyne Troops:

In Mahollin area, south of Gashamo, the regime lost more than 450 soldiers in 1982 and 1984. The area residents captured military documents, communication equipments, small arms and ammunition. In Xaye and Qararo area it lost more than 350 including 3 officers. The area residents seized two jeeps, and armored personnel carrier ( APC ) and three army trucks. IN Aware area Afweyne troops suffered 250 casualties in 1984 they also left behind various military equipments.

It is extremely important to mention here that the SNM has prevented a genocide that was in the making. If the regime and its organization bandits were not checked by the forces of the area communities supported by the SNM, It is a historical fact that large portions of the Somali people would have been eliminated from the face of the earth. The capability of the Barre troops was greatly severed in the above-mentioned operations. The SNM on its part continued to wage constant attacks on Afweyne's troops inside the country and forced them to opt for a defensive strategy. A Foreign correspondent describing the situation of the Afweyne armed forces in March 1984 wrote, " The Somali army did not perform to any standard. The inefficiency of the Somali armed forces is legendary among foreign military experts. Last month Somalia shot down one of its own nine functioning aircrafts. Military officials in Somalia have grown disgusted with the performance of the Somali army and its inability to keep anything working".

On the other hand SNM has been growing a gaining momentum day after day. At this stage in the struggle of the SNM to liberate the country, Afweyne Barre has desperately pulled some embarrassing tricks in an attempt to weekend the position of the SNM. The following will be the different political games played by Afweyne Barre to strengthen his position against the MUJAAHIDIIN SNM.

More will be updated soon Insha'Allah......



THE COLONEL’S BLUFF By Jamal Madar,England

February 17, 2004 - 23:48

A hard-line approach without sound military hardware is a dangerous bluff. Thus, Colonel Abdillahi Youssef’s shrill cry of joy (mashxarad) over the occupation of Las Anod may soon turn into rivers of tears that could be irrigated in the drought stricken areas of Sool.

In December 2003, a group of armed militiamen acting under the command of Colonel Abdillahi Yousef- the absolute ruler of the autonomous provincial administration of Majertenia (now calls itself Puntland)- crossed the border into Somaliland Republic and occupied Las Anod- the regional capital of Sool region. Since Puntland was formed in 1998, the Colonel had always claimed Sool and eastern Sanaag regions that are largely but not exclusively populated by Dhulbahante and Warsangali clans, as his own territories. It is not clear how the Colonel would manage to redraw the century-old colonial boundaries or rewrite the history of these people but what is clear is that the basis of his claims are at best ludicrous and at worst infantile. The basis of the Colonel’s argument is that these people are, by blood or descent, related to the people of Puntland and are together known as Harti. Thus, in his figment of imagination, the Colonel believes that this gives him the automatic right to claim these territories as part and parcel of his own little fiefdom- Puntland. However, the unpalatable truth is that, geographically the people in these territories had, for nearly a century, belonged to Somaliland (the former British Protectorate), which broke away from Somalia in 1991.

In the past, it was not uncommon to see the Colonel’s militia sneaking across the border into Somaliland under the cover of darkness and returning back to their bases in Puntland after a short spell of stay without causing any mischief in the disputed territories. Successive Somaliland governments had a policy of turning a blind eye to these flagrant violations of its territorial integrity ostensibly to avoid an unnecessary military show down with its troublemaker neighbour- Puntland- even though Somaliland had always maintained the military capability to decapitate the Colonel’s ruling apparatus. The idea behind this was that, so long as the local people did not mind the surprise visits paid to their towns by their cousins from Putland and so long as these sneaky visitors were not upsetting the local sensibilities, the Somaliland government didn’t mind to forget about these border violations. However, this approach apparently sent a wrong signal to the Colonel, for he saw this as a weakness on the part of successive Somaliland administrations.

Unopposed and undeterred, the Colonel got emboldened to the extent that he hatched a plot to assassinate the president of Somaliland, Dahir Rayale, who paid a visit to Las Anod at the end of 2002. Escaped by a narrow margin, president Rayale was whisked to Aynabo where a division of combat ready troops waited by, in case something went wrong. But something went terribly wrong yet president Rayale chose, much to the anger and dismay of many Somalilanders, not to order the army to take swift retaliatory measures against his assailants for fear that a lot of innocent people might die in the cross fire between the government troops and its opponents. Friends and foes alike were astonished by the compassion and sense of responsibility displayed by Rayale in restraining his troops not to fire the big guns in anger.

On his return to Hargeisa, the capital of Somaliland, the parliament gave the president the green light to deal a mortal blow to the shaky regime of the strongman of Majertenia. However, Rayale opted instead to impose a state of emergency on the entire region and continued to maintain a policy of non-engagement with the Sool people although critics on both sides of the broader political divide were somewhat divided over the wisdom of that policy. Apart from the state of emergency, both local and presidential elections were also barred from taking place in Sool, thus adding to the woes and isolation of these people.

This latest incursion into Somaliland by Puntland however completely changed the rule of the game. The Colonel’s militias came in from the wilderness with all guns blazing, killing at least three people and kicking all Somaliland government personnel out of their residences and offices. Such callous disregard of Somaliland’s eastern border, which is porous and often unguarded, coupled with the Colonel’s bravado, angered the Hargeisa administration.

This was further compounded by the Colonel’s spur-of-the-moment proclamation in the international media that his militia captured the city of Las Anod by force. Up until now, the Colonel who is famous for his beastliness and intransigence, dismissed calls from friends and lately his benefactor, Ethiopia, to show respect for Somaliland’s boundaries drawn up by British Colonial administration- boundaries considered by the AU as sacrosanct.

Whilst it is true that the people of Sool and eastern Sanaag and the people of Puntland are of the same lineage, it is also true that twice the same number of Issaq and Gadabursi people are living in Ethiopian territories. But, that is not to say, this will give Somaliland the right to claim these territories as its own.

The Colonel’s burning ambition to become the leader of a future government in Somalia is totally incompatible with his ardent but parochial and myopic tribalist posture of promoting the doctrine of Darodism. Neither his ludicrously lineage-based territorial claims is acceptable to any African country where people of the same blood or tribe are divided by artificial boundaries.

Since the inception of Somaliland, the people of Sool were torn between their brethren in Puntland who have nothing to offer to them other than empty avowals of fraternity and a Somaliland government that cannot give them of what they describe as ‘ironclad guarantee of our rights and privileges’ before committing themselves fully to the Somaliland ship of state.

At the moment, Dhulbahante and Warsangali have more than their fair share of representatives in both houses (35 members in total) on top of the administrative and ministerial portfolios.

Many believe that Somaliland can still guarantee to provide Sool people for their fair share of the national cake in terms of financial resources and development projects if they are equally prepared to show their allegiance to Somaliland. It is an open secret that the Garads, religious men and their politicians had participated in all major Somaliland Conferences held in Balligubadleh, Berbera, Burao and Borama and put their signatures to all these agreements. But they dishonoured each and every covenant they have undertaken and callously disregarded all the agreements they have entered into with the rest of clans in Somaliland.

Disintegrated, divided and disorientated, Dhulbahante cannot decide for thirteen years where their interest truly lays. They do not seem to agree on anything other than one thing: that they shouldn’t subscribe to, no matter what, the Issaq dominated state of Somaliland. But that line of argument does not hold water any longer since it became evident that Harti and Gadabursi head all the three major powers of the government namely the Executive, the Supreme Court and the Parliament. The Issaq are no longer in the driving seat of the Somaliland state.

The Colonel’s occupation of Las Anod was facilitated by anti-Somaliland segment of Dhulbahante who are loyal to Puntland. This encouraged the bloodthirsty Colonel to adopt an increasingly belligerent and war-mongering attitude, which is viewed by many throughout Somaliland and the Diaspora as provocative designs calculated to further disrupt and create chaos and confusion in Somaliland at a time the country’s security situation remains precariously on a knife’s edge following the recent spate of gruesome murders committed against western humanitarian relief workers. Others see the Colonel’s outrageous and ludicrous claims to Sool and Sanaag as nothing more than a cynical ploy to effect disturbances in Somaliland, hoping to trigger a heavy handed government response thus spoiling Somaliland’s chances of recognition from the international community. The latter view was reinforced when a cross-party delegation from Britain paid a two-day visit to Somaliland and a subsequent Commons debate regarding Somaliland’s recognition was held in Westminster Hall on 4th February.

Colonel Abdillahi Yusuf had always been a ‘pain in the neck’ in this cross-border issue between Puntland and Somaliland. His militia visited Las Anod before under the pretext of mediating warring sub-clans amongst Dhulbahante. But on each occasion they returned to their bases on their own accord.

Strangely enough, the Colonel began a propaganda campaign by activating all the media resources at his disposal and has blown the issue out of proportions even though he is the aggressor in the eyes of all those who are familiar with the politics of that region. He began to engage in Intifada on the airwaves, emblazoned headlines on the local papers, gave regular interviews to international news agencies, issued press releases and plastered articles staring out of every page and screen on the Net.

If the Colonel’s tactics were to scare off Somaliland government not to come to the aid of Sool people, it certainly produced the opposite results of what he desired. Massive troops have already been deployed in the vicinity of Las Anod and others are being mobilised throughout much of Somaliland for a potential show down with the Colonel’s motley collection of rag tag militia holed up in Las Anod. The Colonel is beginning to see that his megaphone diplomacy is proving counterproductive and self-defeating. As a military man whose tactics was simply confined to shooting from the hip to anyone who stands in his way, he knows this time round that the odds are heavily stacked against him, for he is not militarily up to scratch vis-à-vis Somaliland. His ragtag militia hasn’t got the slightest chance to stand up to the overwhelming military superiority of Somaliland unless of course they are prepared to commit mass suicide.

In a country where its people are more often divided than united, the arrival of the Colonel’s militia in Las Anod was a godsend that miraculously united the Somaliland people- friends and foes alike – firmly behind the President in defending the motherland from the external enemy.

Rayale whose recent controversial visit to Djibouti created furore in Somaliland took advantage of the situation and swiftly tabled a motion before the two Houses in a bid to evict the Colonel’s rag-tag militia out of Sool and teach him as UCID opposition leader, Faisal Ali Warabe put it ‘an unforgettable lesson’ that would serve as an example for those who try in future to infringe the country’s territorial integrity.

The fact that the motion was overwhelmingly passed by both the Parliament and House of Elders sent an unmistakable signal to Puntland and gave President Rayale a free hand to aim for the Colonel’s jugular, if need be, and decapitate his ruling apparatus in Garowe, if deemed necessary.

Apart from the troops that have already been deployed on the eastern front, most of Somaliland’s heavy weaponry including an array of artillery pieces, tanks and multiple rocket launchers have been kept out of sight but are ready to be deployed if the Colonel refuses to budge. Major government buildings in surrounding towns and villages have been evacuated and are being readied for casualties in case of break up of hostilities. Huge consignments of food and medicine are being poured into the eastern front. Columns of commercial tankers carrying fuel are heading for Sool.

These war preparations robbed the Colonel of many nights’ good sleep. It is believed that he sent emissaries to Wardheer and Goday and propagated the message that Majertenia is about to face a devastating attack from her powerful neighbour- Somaliland. According to Somaliland Times, the Ogaden sent some ONLF fighters to Las Anod to reinforce Puntland’s poorly armed ragtag militia holed up in Las Anod as they brace for a hugely devastating attack that might seal the fate of their little fiefdom.

For so long, Somalilander’s intimate knowledge of war and its painful consequences have always been to avert the break up of any hostilities between Puntland and Somaliland but the die seem to be cast now, for the Colonel had crossed a Rubicon.

With the assassination attempt on his life weighing heavily on his mind and enjoying the unstinting support of the whole nation, Rayale is unlikely to flinch from his hard-line approach. His muscle flexing tactics seems to be having an effect on the Colonel as the local people whom the Colonel considered to be their saviour scramble for the Puntland militia to pull out of their territories. Las Anod is in the grip of fear as the Somaliland army dug in its heels within a striking distance, getting ready to flush out the Colonel’s militia.

In a recent BBC interview, the Colonel spoke undiplomatically and hurled toxic rhetorical salvos at Rayale by describing him as a “tool”. The Colonel claimed himself to be a battle hardened man while accusing Rayaale of being a man with NSS background who did not understand much about politics. But the Colonel seems to forget that he is a megalomaniac who ruled his clan-based fiefdom of Majertenia by the barrel of the gun since 1977- a rule punctuated by cold-blooded murders and mysterious disappearances of his own kin and kith. Unlike Rayale, who is a democratically elected president, the Colonel is no more than a chieftain of Harti.

The Colonel who initially appeared to have taken leave of his senses when he undertook this dangerous adventure is slowly but steadily beginning to tone down the frequency of his rhetoric and sabre-rattling that characterised his occupation of Las Anod in the early days. Panic and fear permeated in the file and rank of his militia. Some of them have already fled for fear of their lives and others are pondering their next move as the black cloud of war began looming menacingly on the horizon. Whatever, the situation of those who remain in the town, they are left with no option but to cut and run. At least a senior Puntland militiaman defected to Somaliland recently with several along with ‘technicals’.

The Colonel is beginning to get a sense that a hard-line approach without military sound military hardware is a dangerous bluff that could be called. His shrill cry of joy (mashxarad) might soon turn into rivers of tears that could be irrigated in the drought stricken areas of Sool.

Somaliland will win back what was rightfully its territory, without in the meantime, depriving others from their rights. The Colonel’s reluctance to withdraw all his militia is merely an attempt to avoid ordering his militia back to Garowe- the capital of Puntland- with their heads down in shame as well as saving himself from becoming at the butt of a joke in his fiefdom. But Rayale must take the moral high ground and give the Colonel a face saving exit even though the tyrant of Majertenia had just got ‘too big for his boot’ as Sudi Yalaxow put it and had to be taught an unforgettable lesson.

Jamal Madar




“The Butchers of Majertenia, Hargeisa Politically isolated” By O .M. Nur

“The Butchers of Majertenia, Hargeisa Politically isolated”
By O .M. Nur {OJ}, Toronto, Canada

On January 29 the Somalian leaders reached what is described as the best agreement on Somalia’s reconciliation so far, in Nairobi, Kenya, but The Butchers of Majertenia and Hargeisa, Abdullahi Yusuf and Morgan, are isolated in the process. They have a common enemy to teach a lesson to. Both disregarded the agreement after they have agreed to it. The reason is not based on Somalian interest. It is the personal ambition of Abdullahi Yusuf and of Morgan to seek revenge through the top offices of Somalia.
According to article 30 of the already signed Charter, the faction leaders are to nominate the transitional members of Parliament from their clans. The traditional leaders are to ratify the selected to make sure that each sub clan gets its fair representation.

However, Abdullahi is looking forward to his position in the new government. He doesn’t intend to allow any one other than him to nominate the” Darod” parliamentarians. His aim is to make sure that he gets the position of a president or a Prime minister before any vote for the positions for these take place. He is a hardheaded dictator who doesn’t believe in democracy, so he doesn’t trust voting. His law is the law of jungle where the mighty rules.

Bihi of Gedo, Barre Hirale and Jees of the Lower Juppa, Jama Ali Jama of the North Eastern Region, Hassan Abshir of Garowe Region, Mohamed Yusuf and Abdullahi Yusuf of Mudug Region are all in the new leaders committee and all belong to the same Darod clan of Somalia who will nominate their portion of parliamentarians. Normally, every one should be able to nominate his share from his sub-sub-clan and seek ratification from his sub-sub clan’s traditional leaders. Abdullahi doesn’t want things to happen that way that and lose his bid for the eagerly awaited positions. He believes to have politically barred the above-mentioned Darod leaders from the leader’s committee and defeated them in the battlefiel. “There must not be a comeback through the TNG and The National Salvation Group and must not share power with him.” He believes.

Both Abdullahi and Morgan are seeking revenge for what Siyad Barre and later Barre Hiiraale have done to them. Abdullahi says, “The real war in Somalia is not between Hawiye and Darod, but between Marehan and Majertens. It is true and Marehan leaders are well aware of his position. It is why Barre Hirale allied himself with USC and why there is no Marehan member in the SRRC, which is dominated by Abdullahi Yusuf and Morgan. They chose to be in alliance with the Arta Group (The TNG) and with the National Salvation Group. The Marehan, through their allieis are trying hard to deter any attempt by Abdullahi Yusuf or Morgan to get a position of leadership in Somalia. On the other hand Abdullahi and Morgan are trying to whisk away the other Darod members in the leaders committee by all means. The Marehan now believe that tribal extermination is not for them and would prefer a more logical moderate Majertens leader instead, if they should get one of the top two leadership positions. They maintain that Marehan is not at war with the Majertens and are working hard for the protection of their lives from Abdullahi and Morgan. Hawiye are striving to get Somalia’s leadership. When they get it, they will forget whatever Siyad has done to anyone. Marehans called the Isaqs “ Gob jabtay” in return they will be called “Gob ay la rogmatey.” When Isaqs get away with the assertion of the annexed independence of Somaliland, they will forgive Somalia and extend a brotherly hand to the Marehans. In return Marehan, of all Somalis, will distinguish themselves as the staunchest supporters of Somaliland, of course after an inclusive government is formed in Somalia and the dust settles. That is safe and a small price to pay! The Hawiye can rule Somalia without the Isaqs and in cooperation with other moderate clans. They must not let their faithful friends, the Marehans, down!

Reported By: Omar Japan Toronto,Canada
Email: omarn692@sympatico.ca


It’s Our Curriculum by Somaliland Times

It’s Our Curriculum
EDITORIAL by Somaliland Times
Issue 107 Feb.9-15, 2004

Though Mr. Winston Tubman was appointed more than 2 years ago as the UN Secretary-General’s representative and head of the UN Political Office for Somalia, we will be surprised if the number of Somalilanders who could recognize his name or know about his job exceeded a dozen individuals. It is not only that Somalilanders don't know him, he too does not know Somalilanders or their country for he has never set foot here. That is why it is amazing that someone so removed from our reality would have a say on what our children study.

Somalilanders who are used to unreasonable demands and claims by overpaid and underachieving UN bureaucrats, were shocked by the extent of mean-spiritedness and hostility shown by Mr. Tubman toward them, as evidenced by his letter of Oct 21, 2003 which called for the removal from the Somaliland curriculum of:

- All topics related to the historical background of how Somaliland regained its independence on May 1991

- All the maps showing international boundaries between Somaliland and its neighboring countries as well as such purely physical features as hills and mountains.

One can also detect in Mr. Tubman's letter an implied threat that unless all the unwanted materials are omitted, funds earmarked for printing the school textbooks would be blocked. To justifiy his move, Mr. Tubman claimed that the syllabus of social studies textbook for grade 5 students “advocates for Somaliland’s secessionist policy”, as if he were responsible for the preservation of the unity of Somalia, a state that ceased to exist more than 13 years ago. But even if we assume that Mr. Tubman acted out of genuine concern for Somalia’s unity, it is not a good excuse for depriving Somaliland's children from essential learning tools such as textbooks.

The school kids that Mr. Tubman ostensibly wants to protect from “secessionist infection” could hardly grasp what he means by the term "secession". For these children who were born during the post-liberation and independence era, the once unified Somali republic only existed in history books or in the minds of irrational people like Winston Tubman.

UN bureaucrats could go on deceiving themselves with the fiction that the state of Somalia still exists and Somaliland doesn’t. But they shouldn’t penalize Somalilanders for refusing to accept such fiction. In a country where every new year, thousands of school age children are forced to remain without basic education, mainly due to severe shortages in the number of classrooms and teachers available, it will be an unforgivable crime to deny textbooks to those already enrolled. Perhaps a better policy would be for Mr. Kofi Annan to disband the useless and costly UNPOS. The UN will doubtless save a lot of money if it got rid of Mr Tubman and the UNPOs. It could then spend that money on education in places where it is desperately needed. The salary of Mr Tubman alone could pay for the schooling of hundreds of kids.


Nairobi UN Political Office Censors Somaliland Textbooks By SOMALILAND FORUM


PRESS RELEASE: Immediate Date: 10 February 2004 (Ref: SLF/EC/32/2003/4)

Nairobi UN Political Office Censors Somaliland Textbooks

The constructive re-engagement in Somaliland by some United Nations agencies detected over the last few years is being undermined by the Nairobi based United Nations Political Office (UNPOS), whose occasional forays into Somaliland affairs have always been counterproductive, in contrast to the work of other operational UN agencies such as UNCHR, UNICEF, WHO etc.

The latest reported edict from this office (UNPOS) was a written instruction (dated 21/10/03) to UNESCO to .desist from printing. a Grade Five Social Studies Schools textbook for Somaliland because it .advocates for Somaliland.s secessionist policy.. How it does that is listed in a page to page examination which points out the following items in the textbook that are considered by UNPOS to be .sensitive. and unacceptable:

The map of Somaliland and its international boundaries.
The map of Somaliland showing its regions and cities, which are of course different from the ones set in the dictatorship era of the .Somali Democratic Republic. before 1991 when Somaliland reasserted its independence.
Maps of Somaliland showing main roads, airports, ports, mountains, hills, vegetation, winds, rainfall, agricultural areas etc.
References to any issues relating to the re-assertion of Somaliland independence in 1991.
Picture of the Somaliland flag, national emblem, and reference to the national anthem.
The textbooks, which UNESCO has agreed previously to publish and ought to have been in use in Somaliland schools from 2002, are still beeing withheld.

The Nairobi based UNPOS, which was set up in 1995 after UNOSOM II says, in its website, that .Somalis often call on UNPOS requesting assistance in pleading their respective cases with other UN Agencies. UNPOS provides such assistance based on the merit of each request.. The Somaliland Forum and the Somaliland people are making this request to UNPOS:

. You can continue denying the existence of the Republic of Somaliland, if you so wish, but please do not interfere with the other United Nations agencies which are delivering much needed assistance and help on the ground. Textbooks are essential for rebuilding the education system of Somaliland and no one can tell the Somaliland people not to teach their children about their own national history, geography and political and social development..

We would remind the Nairobi based UN officials that education should be directed at developing the child's personality and talents and is .to prepare the child for responsible life in a free society, develop respect for the child's parents, basic human rights, the natural environment and the child's own cultural and national values and those of others." (Article 29 of the Convention on the Rights of Children - our emphasis). We are left wondering how the censorship of Somaliland school textbooks by UN officials squares with these lofty aims.

Last week (on 4th February), in a far-reaching debate on Somaliland at the United Kingdom Parliament, the UK Secretary of State for International Development, Mr Hilary Benn, confirmed his view that .the issue of recognition (which was raised by the honourable members of UK Parliament) should not get in the way of development and assistance.. This is a lesson that the United Nations Political Office (UNPOS) needs to learn, particularly more so, at this juncture when, it will, as it has done after the Djibouti Conference a few years ago, be pulling out all the stops to support whatever new .government. the Somalia warlords and factions produce at their meeting in Nairobi. Somaliland has never been a party to these talks and, for that matter to the 14 or so others that preceded it, and no amount of schools textbook censoring or other UNPOS machinations will change the reality that Somaliland has been and will continue to be a separate, sovereign, independent country.


1. For the background of UNPOS, see (http://www.unsomalia.net/UNPOS/index.htm). UNPOS was created in 1995 as a small political office in Somalia in the post UNOSOM II period. UNPOS came into existence on 15 April 1995 and is supposed to .try and maximize the efforts of the international community with respect to peace initiatives on Somalia.. The terms of reference of UNPOS (Agreed upon by the Security Council - S/1997/756) are said to be monitoring developments in Somalia as a whole; assisting the people of Somalia in their efforts to achieve national reconciliation; liaising with the neighbouring countries and concerned organisations on political developments relating to Somalia.

2. UNPOS and its predecessors UNOSM I & II have consistently denied the existence of Somaliland since 1991 and, at times, have been suspected by Somalilanders of working towards undermining their independence.

3. UNPOS is currently headed by Mr Winston A Tubman who, according to the Somaliland newspaper, Haatuf, is the author of the instruction to UNESCO to desist from printing the Somaliland schools textbook.

4. UNESCO runs a world-wide Programme for Education for Emergencies & Reconstruction (PEER), which started in 1993. PEER is aimed at meeting .the educational needs of vulnerable groups such as children traumatised by crisis situations.. and identifies as its basic principle the rapid establishment of basic education in line with Article 28 of the Convention of the Rights of the Child which stipulates .universal, free and compulsory primary education.. The textbooks project was a PEER project, and the UNPOS instruction referred to above was directed at the Head of the project in Nairobi. For more information about PEER, see www.ginie.org/ginie-crises-links/Peer/pdf/per_exp.pdf (an article written by, among others, the Head of PEER).

5. The Somaliland Ministry of Education completed the preparation of appropriate textbooks for elementary schools in 1997/98 and after UNICEF completed their publication, the new syllabus was adopted, as planned, from 2001. In contrast, the textbooks for intermediate school grades were prepared by the Ministry in 1999/2000 and passed on to UNESCO PEER for publication, and are still awaited. The planned date for their use in the schools was early 2002.

6. The United Nations General Assembly declared 2003 to 2012 .the Literacy Decade., and UNESCO was asked to prepare an international Plan of Action to be co-ordinated with governments, NGOs and the civil society. In Somaliland, primary school enrolment is only 17% and enrolment at intermediate/secondary school level is lower. The government and the people are working hard to increase enrolment, but require considerable assistance. For more statistical information about Somaliland, see .Somaliland in Figures. at www.somalilandforum.com

7. For details of the UK Parliamentary debate on Somaliland, see (http://www.publications.parliament.uk/pa/cm200304/cmhansrd/cm040204 ).

8. Somaliland was a UK protectorate from 1884 to June 1960, when it became the independent .State of Somaliland.. This state had internationally delineated boundaries, including the ones it shared with French Somaliland (now the Republic of Djibouti) and Somalia (Italian colony and later Trusteeship territory). In an effort to form a .Greater Somalia., The State of Somaliland formed a union with Somalia, which became independent on 1 July 1960. After the end of the .Greater Somalia. dream and years of neglect, long term suppression and near genocide of the Somaliland people, Somaliland re-asserted its independence in May 1991 . a decision which was since also endorsed through a national Referendum. Somaliland has since built up a democratic state with a bi-cameral parliament, a functioning judiciary and an executive headed by an elected President. Local government elections were held last year and parliamentary elections will be held later this year.

.The Somaliland Forum is an independent organisation that brings together the Somaliland Diaspora. We believe in a sovereign, prosperous and independent Somaliland. Working together with Somaliland Communities and Somaliland friends around the globe, we believe that we can contribute to the betterment and development of the Republic of Somaliland. It is said that a nation's greatest asset is its human resources - hence, the importance of the contributions of the Somaliland Diaspora..

If you have any comments, questions or suggestions to make, the SL Forum Executive Committee will be eager to hear them.

Somaliland Forum


Abdillahi Yusuf Allies Himself With Abdiqasim Salad Hasan

Abdillahi Yusuf Allies Himself With Abdiqasim Salad Hasan

Somaliland Times, Issue 106 Feb.2-8, 2004

NAIROBI--(SL Times) In the ever shifting alliances between the various southern warlords, Puntlands Abdillahi Yusuf has now allied himself with Abdiqasim Salad Hasan, former president of the transitional government, better known as the Arta Faction, sources close to the Nairobi peace talks on Somalia said.

The new alliance between the two faction leaders was reportedly forged earlier this month following Abdiqasim Salad Hasan's return to the peace talks. Since the peace negotiations began in Oct 2002, each of the two faction leaders has tried hard to steer the course of the talks in a way that would be favorable to his own political agenda. The two men competed against each other to wield as much support as possible from the delegates, with each wanting to boost his chances for winning Somalia's presidency. However, neither of the two men succeeded in emerging as a winner.

The sign of rapprochement between Abdillahi Yusuf and Abdiqasim Salad Hasan first emerged after the two held a series of extensive face-to-face talks at Nairobi in the last 2 weeks, it was reported. According to sources close to the meetings, Abdillahi Yusuf surprised Abdiqasim Salad by showering him with highly conciliatory gestures and offering support for the Arta Faction leaders re-election as Somalia's president.

Abdiqasim Salad Hasan has reportedly pledged to appoint Abdillahi Yusuf as his premier provided the latter distances himself from Ethiopia. The anti-Ethiopian propaganda emanating from Puntland controlled media, particularly the Las-Anod FM radio station, since last week, has been cited by observers as an indication of Abdillahi Yusuf's compliance with Salad's demand. In addition to Abdiilahi Yusuf's lust for power in a future government for Italian Somalia, he is also displeased by Ethiopia's opposition to his invasion of Somaliland's Sool region. Abdillahi Yusuf's associates in Bosaso have recently castigated the Ethiopians for not being cognizant of the real situation in the region. These comments were issued on the heels of an Ethiopian delegation's visit to Majerteenya (Puntland).

The Ethiopian delegation was headed by the commander of Harargey, Gen. Gabre Makanan. Warlord Abdillahi Yusuf's spokesman, Mr. Ismaaciil X. Xasan said in an interview that they were upset with the stand that the Ethiopians took with regard to the conflict between Puntland and Somaliland. The spokesman said the Ethiopians insisted that colonial boundaries should be respected.

To return the favor, Abdiqasim Salad Hasan has accepted to support Abdillahi Yusuf's claims on Sool and Sanag. In a BBC interview broadcast yesterday, Abdiqasim Salad Hasan suggested that the number one priority of the future government of Somalia will be the disarmament and demobilization of armed militia men all over Somalia. Abdiqasim Salad Hasan made it clear that Somaliland should be included in any disarmament effort to be initiated by the government to emerge from the Nairobi talks.


Update from SIRAG on the success of the final phase of Somaliland's Ministerial Visits to the UK-PR(SIRAG)

Somaliland International Recognition Group(SIRAG)

Press Release

Update from SIRAG on the success of the final phase of Somaliland's Ministerial Visits to the UK in relation to seeking recognition and development assistance from the International Community

SIRAG would like to update Somalilanders both in Somaliland and the Diaspora that outcome of the ministers from Somaliland in their last visit to the UK has concluded with the great success where a high level of UK MP delegates visited Somaliland.

It is important that we present our case to the International community so that they can see it for themselves the results of our hard earned efforts of establishing the rule of law and a young democracy in Africa that needs total nurturing. Without recognition and development this young democracy will not survive. The illegal union of Somaliland with Ex-Somalia have costed our young and bright generation to lose 40 years of their history and identity a tragedy that would never be repeated again.

SIRAG has facilitated tirelessly with the support of individual members from both Houses of Parliamen(House of Commons, House of Lords) to form a friendly group that would support the case of Somaliland especially the Recognition and developmental needs of Somaliland which is desperately needed for Somaliland. SIRAG also liases with EMPs(European MPs), UK MPs and Democracy Institutions on promoting the success of Somaliland's emerging democracy and Somaliland's case in general with special emphasis on recognition including our cultural identity.

Some of the issues that SIRAG has achieved in facilitating are:

-Lack of Recognition and its implications on our nation both mentally, physically and culturally

- General Security issues of Somaliland such as the recent and tragic killings of the Foreign Aid workers

- Developmental Needs of Somaliland and how this is hampered by lack of recognition

Note:The above issues can be checked in the debates published on the UK Parliament Publications website.

Somaliland has achieved democracy and as we all know Democracy is expensive and challenging to maintain both mentally, physically and intellectually. The nation of Somaliland have put on their shoulders a heavy responsibility that will take centuries to maintain. Democracy and the rule of Law are the pillars of a democratic nation. The International community is sensitive to the needs of poor countries that achieve democracy and the rule of Law. The Case of Somaliland is certainly unique and the people of Somaliland have worked tirelessly to convince the International community that they have earned their efforts with minimum assistance from the International community in terms of aid and so on. It is only fair that the International community should lend us their ears and eyes to see for themselves the reality of Somaliland and the poverty that exists in Somaliland with no infrastructure and no basic facilities be it health, education and social services the list is long. Surely, anyone who listened to the case of Somaliland through their hearts would be compelled to see the reality and extend their help to a nation that desperately needs help.

SIRAG acknowledges the assistance and the tireless support extended by friends of Somalilanders who believe in humanity and the rule of law. Those Honorary friends with hearts of Gold have only done their job and surely would not expect any thanks from anyone. But we must honour their support. Though we can not name all the individual names at this turning point in Somaliland's quest for recognition but one day once the cycle of Somaliland's quest for recognition is complete we would extend our full gratitude in writing as well as letting the nation of Somaliland extend their full thanks in the best way they can. However, in saying that there is one person we can mention at this stage who is forever a supporter of humanity, intellectual honour and champion of Africa's emerging democracy and that is Professor Iqbal Jhazbhay for his continuous support.

Long Live Democracy, Long Live Somaliland

Marwo Lulu Farah
Chairwoman SIRAG


Kenyan Foreign Minister’s Reference To Somaliland As A Faction Criticized

Kenyan Foreign Minister’s Reference To Somaliland As A Faction Criticized

Nairobi – The following a press release by the Kenyan-Somaliland Friendship Forum:

It is with great displeasure that we, members of Kenya Somaliland Forum, take this decision to comment on the un-diplomatic statement attributed to our Minister for Foreign Affairs, Mr. Kalonzo Mosyoka, regarding the increasing tension between Somaliland and Puntland as reported in sections of the media.

Though we are in agreement in the crux of his call for the de-escalation of tension between the two neighbours, what we find demeaning in the statement is the minister’s reference to Somaliland as a faction on equal bar with Somalia’s regional state of Puntland. The description is not only wrong but deliberately offensive in the light of the fact that Somaliland is a separate entity whose successful achievements in peace-making and nation-building are well-documented and respected world-wide. Somaliland may be lacking political recognition but this does not negate her existence in reality and even in international law as has been ably demonstrated by Anthony J. Carroll and B. Rajagopal in their article entitled “The Case for the Independent Statehood of Somaliland” published in the Journal of International Law & Politics.

We appreciate the fact that our government has always taken the side of the status quo in all major regional issues, and that her position regarding Somalia, irrespective of the government in power and their effects on our basic national interests, has always been dictated by a certain individual from the North-eastern region who happens to have deep clan interest on developments in that chaotic neighbor. But what we cannot understand is the apparent haphazard nature with which some of our foreign policies are handled. Though it may be hard to change a person despite newfound political identity, Mr. Kalonzo should take a keen interest in his portfolio and embark on a process that will bring his department in line with the new realities of the government of the day. It is time that the Minister takes the president’s promise to Kenyans that the days policies were made on the roadside are over seriously.

We recommend that he consult with his colleague, Hon. Raila who has a first hand experience with Somaliland and take the time to read both academic and other commentaries on Somaliland to understand that such dismissive gestures toward Somaliland may not be fruitful, both in terms of our efforts to resolve the conflict and avoiding future conflicts that will further exacerbate the already unbearable refugee crisis.

Be that as it may, we would like to draw the attention of all Kenyans that the said conflict between Somaliland and Puntland is caused by Puntland seeking to re-draw her provincial maps against a sovereign state on the basis of ethnicity. Puntland tried several times to bring about a war with Somaliland, but so far, the administration of Somaliland has exercised restraint. Puntland’s militias even tried to assassinate the elected president of Somaliland; they have now occupied big chunks of Somaliland and kidnapped members of the Somaliland's administration.

Somaliland has tried all avenues for a peaceful resolution of the problems despite being the aggrieved party. However, its lack of political recognition limits the diplomatic avenues available to her to highlight the aggression of Puntland. Puntland, on her part, has managed to cloud the affair through proxies, and is trying to reduce the crisis to the level of militia rivalry in a chaotic Somalia, and thus, deflect adverse international condemnation. It seems from Mr. Kalonzo’s statement, Puntland is achieving the desired political ends. Never the less, it should be noted with due care that such political posturing will not resolve the problem, and Somaliland, like any other state, has the inalienable right to self defence.

On Behalf of the Forum,
Ali Mohamed.
Press Liaison Person,
Kenya Somaliland Friendship Forum



Monday, 14 June 2010

Interview With Prof. Iqbal D. Jhazbhay

Issue 105 Jan.26-Feb.1, 2004
Interview With Prof. Iqbal D. Jhazbhay

The following are excerpts from an interview conducted by the Addis
Ababa-based the Sub-Saharan Informer with the South African Scholar
Prof. Iqbal D. Jhazbhay as published in the newspaper’s issue of Jan
16, 2004

SSI: What are the major implications of recent development in the
political contours of Somaliland?

Prof. Jhazbhay: In analyzing many of the international developments
and notably on the continent of Africa, we can see that within the
Horn of Africa, the future of the African continent is being played
out. It is here in the Horn of Africa that many of the key scenarios
would determine the future of the continent. Let me give you specific
examples; there is now a consensus amongst intellectuals and amongst
policy makers, that the key requisite for development is peace and
stability and what we are looking at is reasonable peace and
stability. So, in the case of Somaliland, we see reasonable peace and
stability has emerged. The question then becomes for the international
community, for intellectuals and policy makers, is that when you have
an area of the world, which is reasonably peaceful and stable that,
then requires that the international community, the intellectuals and
policy makers rise up to that challenge. People have toiled with their
sweat, with their blood, we cannot let down the children of
Somaliland, and neither can we let down the women of Somaliland.
Because our humanity is linked to the humanity of others. By
recognizing their humanity and their efforts, we are genuinely
recognizing the humanity in ourselves. So, I get a firm sense when I
look at South African foreign policy, we see no a creative move to
recognize peace and stability, we see refreshing move to say that one
of the goals of NEPAD is to encourage peace and good governance. If
that is so, it means that principle has to be applied concretely, and
fortunately South Africa has taken that type of approach when you
analyze South African foreign policy, you find president Mbeki’s
Director General for conflict resolution visited Somaliland in January
2003 to listen and to recognize the efforts of the people, the women
and the men who have toiled to bring about peace and stability.
Through their own indigenous conflict resolution methods, this is one
concrete case where the future of humanity is being played out in the
Horn of Africa and by recognizing the efforts of the women, children
and men of Somaliland, we are recognizing our own humanity and we are
giving concrete from to the NEPAD objective of supporting good
governance, peace and stability.

SSI: Why is it taking long for some countries to recognize Somaliland?
Prof. Jhazbhay: In the past, when we turn to the case of Somaliland,
you find that when the British arrived there, they needed Somalis to
guide them through. Now the fact that Somaliland has attained
stability, the irony is that there is a need of foreign interlocutors
to interpret the peace and stability and make it known to the world.
So, you see many well-known scholars, such as Professor Ali Mazrui,
doing so. So, this is the first irony I would have to outline in
unpacking the case of Somaliland. I think the real reason is the fact
that information on Somaliland has not been forthcoming, the flow of
information has been pretty restricted to certain Internet websites
and it has a lot to do with the unenlightened approach at time on
behalf of multilateral institutions. You find initially the UN, the
OAU at the time, had taken a particular type of approach but now there
are some encouraging sights. The AU is showing some positive signs. So
I think, one is the flow of information. Those who have been informed
are coming through very positively now. A good case in point is the
South African media now. There is balanced reporting on Somaliland. A
lot of institutions are reporting on Somaliland, institutions like the
Africa Institute, South African Institute of International Affairs,
the Electoral Institute of Southern Africa… and that has now brought
about a more informed awareness. That has also made the local
constituencies play a much stronger role. The same could be said about
the United States. There has been a steady stream of reporting on
Somaliland. The Washington Post ran a very enhanced article. In the
UK, there have been regular delegations to Somaliland. So I think it
is very much a fifty, fifty situation. More countries now have a more
informed sense and there are also many countries that do not have an
informed sense. Those who do have an informed sense, have taken
positive steps in analyzing the situation in Somaliland. It makes the
point that once again, newspapers like the Sub Saharan Informer, and
other world wide newspapers have a big role of informing world opinion
about the reality in the horn of Africa. The type of balance here is a
non-partisan approach. There is also another reason. There are
powerful blocks, whom I believe don’t have an interest in peace and
stability. Their main concern may not be the waters of the Nile River.
The main concern is democracy. You are familiar; in the Horn of
Africa, there have been some successful experiences in democracy. I
have described Somaliland’s emerging democracy in an article earlier
on. I described it: “as a success story, Somaliland is Africa’s best
kept secret”. And sometimes you find a deliberate attempt to suppress
information because of the emerging democracy. It has had successful
local and presidential elections. Ethiopia is now going to have
democratic elections emerging. The others will have it too. So there
are key blocks in the Horn of Africa, who are afraid of democracy. The
waters of the Nile River is one issue but the “huge threat” is
democracy. So it is in the interest of those who do not have an
interest in democracy to block the emerging democratic movements. I
think there is a consensus amongst key international pro-democracy
movements like the International Crisis Group, which described the
experience of Somaliland as one of the most successful experiments of
democracy in the Horn of Africa. So, to my mind, those are the key
reasons why you see this block of information, a deliberate attempt to
suppress information and democracy.

SSI: In this regard, according to a discussion with Mohamed Hussein
Idid, who clearly told me that it is encouraging, Somaliland is a
stable government but it would be to the whole advantage of Somaliland
and the horn of Africa, if they remain united to Somalia. Do you think
there will be a danger if the international community goes ahead and
recognizes Somaliland?

Prof. Jhazbhay: I subscribe to the view held by Professor Ali Mazrui.
This is a view held by many well-known specialists of the Horn of
Africa. The view is that, when you have a peaceful and reasonably
stable part of the horn of Africa, it should be allowed to grow and
should not be pulled off. The view of Professor Ali Mazrui is that
Somaliland has the resources alone to develop its institutions. One
day when the rest of what was empirically known as Somalia comes back
to shape Somaliland can possibly re-join Somalia. My related remark to
this issue is that the international community has to find a balance
between idealism and realism. The reality on the ground is what was
empirically known as Somalia, does not exist anymore. The related
reality is that 14 peace conferences and a huge amount of effort have
gone into trying to bring the South of Somalia together. In the
efforts of last year, some 9-12 million has been spent in the
reconciliation talks in Nairobi. There does not seem to be much light
at the end of the tunnel. Which suggests that a creative approach has
to come through, which says that half a loaf of bread. That was the
conclusion also of the well-known Professor Ian Louis, doyen of Somali
Studies. That is, to encourage half a loaf. In the future we may have
full one loaf. I think the big question, which I raised earlier, is
what signal are we sending when we do not want to recognize the
efforts of the people towards peace and stability. What message are we
sending when we do not want to recognize the efforts of people towards
good governance? They would say they have done everything possible to
meet the requirements of peace, stability and governance. What more do
they need to do? That’s an answer we have to give them, because it is
the future of the African child. The children in Somaliland, who are
under 20, have no memory of unity with Somalia. I think at the end of
the day Somalis are very keen to maintain contacts and co-operation
but given the fact that Somaliland went through what is known by human
rights organization as a genocidal experience in 1988, where the city
was flattened into rubble. The fact of the matter remains sound. Many
of those leaders who are now on the ground in the south have not come
up with any mechanism to show remorse for what they have done in 1988.
And the feeling on the ground in Hargeisa, you ask the elders in
Somaliland, their view is that they will not and never join the South.
They are willing to cooperate, share experiences and trade. But in
terms of the political experience the wounds are very fresh. It was
captured beautifully by one of the political leaders of Somaliland. He
said, you can see the walls here and you can see the bullet wounds. In
Somaliland, the bullet wounds are not only fresh in their minds but
they are still fresh on the walls. So there are some powerful
arguments, which emerge from the ground. So I can foresee the future
emerging where you would see a lot of NGO cooperation, you would see a
lot of trade cooperation, a lot of sharing of experiences. But clearly
when political unity is raised, the pains of 1988 are too fresh in
peoples’ minds.

Prof. Iqbal D. Jhazbhay is a senior lecturer at the University of
South Africa and a well-published researcher. He is a Director of the
Board of Johannesburg-based Institute for Global Dialogue and is also
convener of the Middle East study group at the South African Institute
of International Affairs. He also serves on the African National
Congress’s (ANC) Commission for Religious Affairs.



African and Asian nations are most at risk for genocide, international forum is told By Amiram Barkat

African and Asian nations are most at risk for genocide, international forum is told
By Amiram Barkat

STOCKHOLM - The danger of genocide exists in five countries in Africa and Asia, according to an American expert who yesterday addressed the Stockholm International Convention on the Prevention of Genocide.

Barbara Harp, of the U.S. Center for Conflict Management, said there was a high risk of genocide in Sudan, Myanmar, Burundi, Rwanda and the Democratic Republic of Congo.

She told the forum that eight other countries - Somalia, Uganda, Algeria, China, Iraq, Afghanistan, Pakistan and Ethiopia - were also at risk.

Asked by Haaretz about the dangers in Israel, Harp said that experts at the center did not believe there was a strong likelihood that Israel would carry out genocide against the Palestinians. Some of the central indications for genocide and, in particular, the ideological basis, did not exist in Israel, Harp said.

"Israel behaves badly at times, and even very badly," she said, "but it is a normal country."

Zimbabwe is the most likely candidate

The question of where genocide was likely to take place in the world today was the main concern of the experts at the Stockholm meet. Samantha Powers of Harvard University and the U.S. Center for Conflict Management said that in her opinion, the most likely candidate was Zimbabwe. Most of the experts agreed that at present, the African continent was the most likely breeding ground for genocide.

The international forum concluded its deliberations yesterday with a resolution taken by the 55 participating countries.

At Israel's request, incitement to genocide was added to the phenomena mentioned in the resolution on the prevention of genocide. Israel did not object to the Swedes' request to include Islamophobia alongside anti-Semitism and xenophobia in the resolution.

The Swedish media reported yesterday that the United States and Israel had prevented an initiative to have the resolution include a mention of the International Criminal Court at The Hague as the main body designed to prevent genocide. Israeli delegation sources denied this.

The court was currently studying complaints of genocide in five countries, its chief prosecutor, Luis Moreno Ocampo, told the gathering. He said one of the countries was Congo, but refused to reveal the other names.

Israeli delegates expressed satisfaction with the international forum's outcome. The fact that there was no criticism of Israel at such a large international gathering was unusual, Foreign Ministry official Nimrod Barkan said.

Ministry officials also praised the Swedes for not inviting prominent pro-Palestinian speakers such as Arab League Secretary-General Amr Moussa.

Israel was especially pleased that Prof. Yehuda Bauer, the academic adviser to the forum, and Dr. Yigael Carmon had been invited as genocide experts.

A call by UN Secretary-General Kofi Annan to set up a special UN supervisory mechanism to prevent genocide was not included in the final resolution, which spoke in general terms of examining the various options to prevent genocide, including the one raised by Annan.



The Samatars’ alternative to the ICG Report on Somaliland: Examined, by Hibaq Abdikadir Kosar

The Samatars’ alternative to the ICG Report on Somaliland: Examined, by Hibaq Abdikadir Kosar

First I would like to congratulate the International Crises Group (ICG) for a report well written, to the point and easy to follow. This report was indeed focused and free from any biases. It was very informative for those who didn’t know much about Somaliland, its history and inhabitants and for the informed who do not claim they “know it all” it shed light on the recent developments.

Its the objective of the ICG ‘to prevent and resolve deadly conflict’, so to accuse their reports containing ‘political history replete with errors, misinterpretation, omissions, and bedeviled by an untenable characterization of entire communities’ is like accusing the Amnesty International of human rights violations. Let us now examine who made these accusations and why.

Abdi Ismail Samatar and Ahmed I Samatar, made the accusations in an essay (in progress) entitled “INTERNATIONAL CRISIS GROUP REPORT ON SOMALILAND: AN ALTERNATIVE SOMALI RESPONSE”. Here I will demonstrate their motive and make brief examination using the

following categories: 1

• Language
• Patriotism
• Focus
• Swelling Numbers
• Clanism
• Conclusion
• Recommendation
• Personal Note

1. Language

At first glance one can observe an improvement of the language used in criticizing the authors of the ICG Report. Fortunately they did not suffer the same fate as Prof. I.M. Lewis, who Prof Abdi I Samatar 2, blurted abusive words at, which won him the nickname “Street Fighter Professor”.

• “Samatar's response gives one the impression that he is street fighter intent to badmouth and give Lewis a bloody nose.” 3

Among the many abusive statements directed at Prof Lewis was that he was self-congratulating himself when he praised the EU and Prof A. I Samatar commented how the EU funded conference was a failure, and used the Somali proverb " Nin is amaaney waa ri is nuugtay" (a man who praises himself is like a goat that suckles itself), which is used to show disgust at a person who praises oneself. In this light let’s examine the names of the authors that the Samatars referred to as the authentic sources to argue their case. In no less then 7 times was the name Samatar referred to, 4 and describing themselves “as scholars, we have collectively dedicated 35 years to sympathetically understand the inner workings of Somali society” and “Our thinking, distilled from our extensive scholarly research and reading of Somali social history and political economy”

It’s typical of the Samatars to accuse others, who hold apposing views of not able to comprehend the Somalis.5 “Only an arrogant and unreconstructed old fashioned anthropologist would be blind enough to assume that he could speak for the native in 2001.” 6 also “the Ambassador’s (Kiplagat) lack of knowledge about Somali culture….”7, and presenting themselves as the only authoritarians on Somali politics, social, history, economics, judicial etc.

2. Patriotism

• ‘As the conference commenced, non-Somalis started to make the agenda. In one instance, when one of the authors (Abdi) was present, an American doctoral student presented the points….’8

Had Abdi been asked to present the points, would we have read such resentment towards the young American doctoral student? One would almost believe that they are so patriotic they would want only Somalis to conduct the peace processes for themselves and solve their own problems. However, when the people of Somaliland did just that, Abdi called their land “Balayo-land”9 (evil-land). One can only reach the conclusion that they would only be happy if they were in the lime light in any Somali conference and would not settle for otherwise. This is demonstrated in the brothers’ praise and glorifications of the Arta conference proceedings and outcome (Arta: Betrayal of a Gift), 10 since Prof. Abdi was one of the key craftsmen of the proceedings yet it was the one that lacked representations of most regions and used local Somalis from Djibouti to boost the number of attendants. .

The ICG report documented the betrayal felt by the Somaliland people after the unification noting that Hargeisa became ‘a mere provincial headquarters’ and Mogadishu became the national capital. The Samatars identified Hargeisa as ‘the headquarters of the northwest’. Provincial headquarters or northwest headquarters, what’s the difference and the point they’re making? Furthermore the Samatars want the Somaliland people to applaud PM Adbirashid and be consoled for this honourable role (consultants), ‘One of the North's most senior civil servants noted that, "Prime Minister Abdirashid and leading ministers consulted senior northern public servants on key matters, particularly on those that dealt with integration.”

3. Focus

As an engineer when I’m faced with a mathematical problem to solve (e.g. 1/2+1/3) I take the lowest common denominator (No. 6) and not the second (No. 12) or the third (No. 18) lowest common denominators (LCD). If I use the second or third LCDs, my calculations will only get longer and I would waste much of a good time that could have been utilized better, not to mention the possibility of making an error half way resulting the wrong answer. In my college days I would have been penalized for doing that.

The Samatars used the argument that Isaaq were not the only community that suffered under the dictatorship of Said Bare and mentioned Baidoa and Puntland regions.11 The brothers seemed to have totally lost focus by bringing the argument under Somalia. The ICG report was tackling the suffering of clans living in Somaliland (LCD), its history and relationship with Somalia. If the brothers are using the denomination of Somalia (second LCD) in order to make their point, they only prolonged their argument and caused the reader to wonder off and ask, “what did that got to do with Somaliland”. Using the same analogy one can argue that the Somali people were not the only ones who suffered in the Horn of Africa (third LCD) and we can even take the fourth LCD, Africa etc.

I recall conversations I use to have with students of history & politics in my old college (QMW, University of London) where they would tell me that Professors would warn them time and again not to waffle their way out when asked to write an essay about specific topic, as that would cause them to loose marks. I am not familiar with US universities, but if Professors can waffle their way out of the topic of discussion when writing essays, then what’s the chance of a student getting away with it and what does that say about those particular universities? In a court of law when a lawyer attempts to divert attention from the point of focus in a line of questioning, the opposition lawyer would immediately jump and shout “objection”!

Throughout their essay the Samatars drifted off the point of discussion particularly in Part IV. I will address the claims made in this Part for the sake of examining them, though its far off the ICG report. A picture of justice, democracy and fair for all was painted, “There is no doubt today that the Somali Republic’s first President, Aden Abdulle Osman, and his second Prime Minister, Abdirazak H. Hussein, were genuine leaders by any democratic measure”. Yet this is what General Mohammed Farah Aidid recorded about the same period that was glorified by the Samatars’, “the unfortunate experience with the type of Parliamentary Democracy that Somalia had during 1960-69; which bred exploitation, tribal disunity, nepotism, lowering of morals and public integrity and ultimately paved path for a shameless military coup in 1969; warns us not to go in for that very model of democracy. We cannot afford again to be cheated by such so-called representatives of the people, who once the people have elected them to the Parliament are least bothered for the welfare of the masses but are solely guided by their self-seeking motives of making money, favouring their relatives and supporters and black-mailing and exploiting the masses in innumerable ways.”12 I know of someone personally who was thrown out of school in Mogadishu during that period. The then Minister of Education gave a speech in of the schools, where he stated that the schools are filled with street kids when the children of the government (ministers/employees) are not attending school because there are no seats.

Somali history seems to be ‘in the eye of the beholder’; it’s rather like the writer’s story (his-story). It depends on what class or clan they belonged to during the period that they are writing about. The elite would write about the good old days and the luxury they enjoyed since they turned blind eye to the suffering of the lower class or clan. The oppressed would have only experienced the suffering and humiliation and would write his-story through his experiences. Someone from the outside looking in would only be objective historian to record the experiences of both classes. Often when that happens the former elite clan or class who do not want anyone to know what they inflicted on the other clans shower abuses at these historians/anthropologists or accuse them of being on the payroll of “Hargeisa Administration”. That’s why you have many people denying till now the atrocities committed against Somaliland people. Only now more 15 years later you have some people who served the military regime apologizing to the people of Somaliland.13 So when the brothers write, “We argue that this history could be told differently.” you do not need to be a rocket scientist to know what version of his-story will be told.

4. Swelling Numbers

One of the most deceiving claims the Samatars made to undermine the accuracy of the ICG report was the claim that large number of “Northerners” held high positions in contrast to the ICG report. At first the reader would see positions identified (yet no names mentioned), 14 therefore one would think this claim must be authentic and that it cannot be fabricated, as this is a historical fact. Lets study how they introduced this grave deception.

The reader was introduced to Somaliland (former British colony) and Somalia (former Italian colony) and after the unification these two entities came to be known as North and South of Somalia. Somalis referred to each other as Southerners and Northerners respectively. In order to boost the figures of the Northerners (Somalilanders) in high positions the brothers conveniently included positions held by people from the region presently known as Puntland (northeast Somalia). These individuals represented the South, since this region was part of Somalia and not Somaliland before unification. Therefore the ICG document was accurate in its reporting.

5. Clanism

The ICG report made mention of the tribes in Somaliland that collaborated with the military regime against the Isaaq. The Samatars’ wrote:

• “A discernment of who collaborated with the military dictatorship and to what degree…The ICG document enters that fray by identifying two northern communities as willing allies of the regime: the Samaroon and the Harti (pp. 11, 28). Simultaneously, the Isaaq kin-group is presented as innocent sufferers. This is problematic.”15

Here it’s important to note that the brothers are of Samaroon clan, hence the anger expressed in the above quote. Naming Isaaq men16 that served in the military dictatorship and attempting to level them with characters like Morgan and Ghani, who were responsible for the genocide of Somaliland, is totally irresponsible and one that would invite questioning as to their motive and integrity as academics. One can only sense the sentiments of clanism expressed here. I wonder how many historical claims stated by the Samatars were created on their keyboards? Gentlemen, you claim to be learned men, present your evidence for the statements you made, or did you conveniently fabricate this piece of history to tarnish the men’s names and discredit the ICG report for your gains?

Let it be known that I consider all those Isaaq individuals mentioned who remained in Barre’s regime till its dying days “TRAITORS”, since they held those positions at the expense of the suffering of their own people. However the brothers’ choice of excluding General Jama Mohamed Qalib, when he held high positions in Barre’s regime sometime in those dark days and presented him as a victim 17 only exposed their prejudice (a friend perhaps?). He was another craftsman of the Arta conference and benefited from it by being rewarded handsomely, also known to hold the same views as the Samatars’. Why did they fail to mention how he was responsible for the deaths of thousands of young men in the Somaliland civil war (1994-1996)? Now this would have been relevant to the topic of discussion (Somaliland-LCD?), since he was a warlord for that short period of time. At least the warlords in Somalia stay with their soldiers while General Qalib ran away two days before the fighting started, after beating the drums of war for the young men. What’s the word that describes a General abandoning his army, just before full scale fighting starts?

With regards to the office of Presidency the Samatars made the claim that ‘When Egal, the leading northern politician, was asked to seek the office he declined.’ This is a laughable claim. Both opponents and friends of Egal would agree on one thing, that he desired and sought the position of the President of Somalia all his life, until the 2001 Somaliland referendum when all hopes of that ever happening was dashed away from him. In fact someone commented once that if the position of the “President of Africa” existed he would run for it.

6. Conclusion

In Somaliland, people of all tribes are living side by side in harmony and do not need the so called scholars living thousands of miles away to create hate and animosity between them. These people have shaken off the great might of the military regime and will not hesitate to shake off inflammatory essays that’s only intended to derail them from the path to peace they’ve embarked on. Most of these writers are living in the United States enjoying the freedom and liberty that its forefathers created by fist declaring that, “When in the Course of human events, it becomes necessary for one people to dissolve the political bands which have connected them with another, and to assume among the powers of the earth, the separate and equal station to which the Laws of Nature and of Nature's God entitle them, a decent respect to the opinions of mankind requires that they should declare the causes which impel them to the separation. We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal, that they are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable Rights, that among these are Life, Liberty and the pursuit of Happiness.”18 Therefore if the Samatars are serious as to their claim of feeling obliged to promote the well being of their community, then instead of calling their land ‘evil-land’ they ought to take part in promoting the freedom and liberty that their people have taken its first steps to establish. They ought to make their guiding principal to be what is in the interest of their people, and listen to what they want.

History has its place and the people of Somaliland chose to forgive each other for past crimes in order to move on and build a brighter future for themselves and their children. Digging old wounds will not achieve what its intended, which is to destabilise the peace they worked so hard for.

I for one am proud of the achievements of my people and wish that we all applaud them for their strength and determination to take the first steps of entering into the democratic world.

7. Recommendation

a) Before embarking on responding to a report make sure you read the content of the report to establish the topic of discussion and read the report carefully (if necessary read it few times).
b) When writing an essay, stay focused and don’t waffle just to boost the number words.
c) To prove the authenticity of your claim, use reliable historians and not your own essays “in progress”.

8. Personal Note

Somali people need to express their views through the ballot box and not be swayed by the selfish politicians who wear ‘Somaliweyn hat’ one minute, ‘Islam hat’ the next, ‘tribal hat’, the next and so on. The people of Somaliland have spoken as to what they want. They want to choose who leads their country and not be chosen for them in some conference held in far away land that’s organized by foreigners. The days that they were forced to accept anyone to rule them by force are gone. No clan has the right of leadership over others; hence no formula should be acceptable by any clan, whether they are in the majority or minority. No clan is superior to others:

• “O mankind! We created you from a single (pair) of a male and a female, and made you into nations and tribes, that ye may know each other (not that ye may despise each other). Verily the most honoured of you in the sight of Allah is (he who is) the most righteous of you. And Allah has full knowledge and is well acquainted (with all things).”19

Many of the Somaliweyn politicians and writers who claim they don’t want the dismemberment of Somalia, put fear in the Somali people’s mind painting the picture that recognition of Somaliland will result closure of its borders to other Somalis. The people who feel this fear the most are the people of Harti, and this is understandable because they feel torn between their tribal kinsmen who live on the other side of the border (Puntland, Somalia), and their cousins (Isaaq) through intermarriages who live in Somaliland. Let’s take the current status of the relationship between the people of Somaliland and other Somalis. They will always be welcomed to come and live peacefully in Somaliland if/when they chose to, and I’m confident that they would be welcomed in their respective homelands. People from Somaliland are also related to Somalis in Djibouti, so do they stop them from crossing the border? The two countries share trade ties, common culture, and blood ties, yet no political ties and that’s acceptable to both communities, as it doesn’t affect their personal or business relationships.

These politicians have one thing to gain from Somaliland not being recognised that is to rule a bigger portion of the land and as for the writers they want to cash on the misery of the Somali people through their writings and attending the reconciliation conferences to be paid for drafting charters that will be impractical and unworkable, so they’ll be called back for the next conference, and the next and the next and the next…. If there’s no conflict what’s there to write about? The Somali people need to reach peaceful settlement to stop their bloodshed being cashed on.

Somalis are nomadic by nature and this will never change, Somaliland people continue to intermarry Ogaden, though their land is within Ethiopian border. Hargeisa is now multi-ethnic city were Somalis of all clans are living peacefully along side each other and I hope the same can be achieved for the cities in Somalia. All Somalis own businesses in Somaliland, Somalis from Djibouti, Ogden, and Somalia. In fact the Telecommunication sector is dominated with companies owned by people from Somalia, and everyone welcomes them from government to the public.

Family members can have different political views as demonstrated in the Somaliland elections were members of the same family voted for different parties. If Somaliland people chose a different political path, then the rest of Somalia, to achieve peace and harmony; their brethren Somalia should agree to disagree for the sake of keeping the love between them and work towards a brighter future together for their respective countries. Somalis living everywhere should be happy for what their brethren in Somaliland have achieved and pray for their brethren in Somalia to achieve peace and stability, this will be truly Somali brotherhood.


1. Detailed examination still “in progress”, if such a term “in progress” exists to justify posting half-cooked essays on the web.

2. Prof Abdi I Samatar, “I.M. Lewis's Retired Ideas and Somalia” http://www.somaliawatch.org/archivefeb01/010203202.htm

3. “In Response to Prof Abdi I. Samatar's, I.M. Lewis's Retired Ideas and Somalia” by Ali A. Jama – Director of Somalia Watch – Feb 3, 2001. http://www.somaliawatch.org/archivefeb01/010203201.htm

4. Ahmed I Samatar and Abdi I. Samatar, Notes, “INTERNATIONAL CRISIS GROUP REPORT ON SOMALILAND: AN ALTERNATIVE SOMALI RESPONSE” http://www.hiiraan.com/htdocs/2003/aug03/op/icg_respond.htm

5. It seems that it’s not just the Samatars’ who make these accusations, but others who hold the same view do it too. Ahmed Dowlo wrote this about Jean-Jacques Cornish, “Mr. Cornish has got him self into a political disarray in which he has very limited knowledge.” The article is entitled ‘Recognise "Somaliland" and a can of worm opens’. http://www.hiiraan.ca/2003/aug03/op/dowlo.htm. Ahmed Dowlo is a member of Somali Association of South Africa, an organisation I’m sure that just come into being after the positive reports on Somaliland from SA, the most amusing thing they’ve come up with so far is the petition online where they’re trying to black mail the SA government. The article was written by Abbas Yusuf madela60@hotmail.com (interesting email id).

6. “I.M. Lewis's Retired Ideas and Somalia”, by Prof Abdi I Samatar.

7. Ahmed I Samatar and Abdi I. Samatar, Part II C (1),“Somali Reconciliation: Editorial Note” posted on http://www.goobjoog.com/books/editorial/note/

8. Ahmed I Samatar and Abdi I. Samatar, Part II B, “Somali Reconciliation: Editorial Note”.

9. Prof Abdi I Samatar, “I.M. Lewis's Retired Ideas and Somalia”.

10. Ahmed I Samatar and Abdi I. Samatar, Part II A “Somali Reconciliation: Editorial Note”.


12. General Mohammed Farah Aidid, The Preferred Future Development in Somalia, www.civicwebs.com

13. Abdi Warsame Isaq, the leader of SSNM, who was a members of Supreme Council of the Somali Revelation 21st of October 1969.





18. The first paragraph of the United States Declaration of Independence (In Congress July 4, 1774)

19. The Quran, Chapter: 49, Verse: 13